Kachalsky v. Cacase - NY Carry - Cert Filed

JimDandy said:
Saw a link to the State's reply Brief for the State Respondents in Opposition in the 2A cases thread and I got to about the first paragraph and came upon
which New York courts have defined to mean a need for self-protection distinguishable
from that of the general public.

Was this a mistake? Doesn't it all but concede the 14th Amendment Equal Protection argument? That those who can articulate a specific threat have more access to a fundamental right and ability to protect themselves from random street crime, than those who cannot articulate anything more than a general desire to protect themselves?
I don't think it was a mistake. I think the State will likely argue that the EP is satisfied in that "those who can articulate a specific threat" are not similarly situated relative to those who cannot. That's the crux of EP claims: all those who are similarly situated in all relevant aspects are entitled to Equal Protection. If one is dissimiarly situated, then the protections to which one is entitled may not be equal.
 
Jim Dandy said:
Was this a mistake? Doesn't it all but concede the 14th Amendment Equal Protection argument?

As Spats mentioned, the state will claim they're meeting EP.

Ultimately, in this Court, privileges & immunities is, unfortunately, a losing horse. Gura notes this in some of his discussions, and that's why he framed his arguments as he did, to make P&I a secondary claim. IIRC, only Thomas supports P&I in a meaningful way.

Can't it be argued that the simple act of exercising second amendment rights is not a crime, and preventing the carrying of a concealed weapon does not prevent crime?

The first part is always the case; the question is "were you engaged in an activity protected under the 2A?" That's open for interpretation, and if a carry case is taken by SCOTUS, we'll know a lot more than we do now.

As for the second part, that's rational basis, and the 2A is beyond that.
 
Right, but if it can't pass rational basis... if carrying a gun isn't a crime, then outlawing carrying a gun doesn't prevent crime... then how can it pass a heightened scrutiny?
 
JimDandy said:
Right, but if it can't pass rational basis... if carrying a gun isn't a crime, then outlawing carrying a gun doesn't prevent crime... then how can it pass a heightened scrutiny?

"Passing" rational basis in this day and age is just a matter of opinion. The govt can always hire "experts" who will disagree completely with any position. This is true pretty much for all subjects, and it's reason # 40,752 why Gura's victory in Heller was so monumental. You and I know carry generally is correlated with a decrease in crime, but a judge or Justices will just see our side and the other side, and note the disagreement among "experts".

Therefore, what's important isn't to pass or fail rational basis -- it's to identify it, and reject such discussion entirely. Because as we've seen lately, several disingenuous and / or clueless courts are using gussied-up rational basis and calling it heightened scrutiny.
 
Actually I don't know that it's generally correlated with a decrease in crime. I DO know that its not correlated with an increase in crime, so there's no reason to ban it.
 
The real problem with rational basis is this: Under rational basis, a law will be held constitutional if there is any rational basis for which the gov't could have passed said law. It doesn't even matter if the reason found by the court was the reason stated by the legislature. ANY rational reason will do.

However, given that the RKBA has been held to be a fundamental, individual right, something higher than rational basis is in order.
 
JimDandy said:
Actually I don't know that it's generally correlated with a decrease in crime. I DO know that its not correlated with an increase in crime, so there's no reason to ban it.

from Carlisle E. Moody, John R. Lott Jr., Thomas B. Marvell & Paul R. Zimmerman, Trust But Verify: Lessons for the Empirical Evaluation of Law and Policy 3 (Coll. of William & Mary, Working Paper, 2012):

"There have been a total of 29 peer reviewed studies by economists
and criminologists, 18 supporting the hypothesis that
shall-issue laws reduce crime, 10 not finding any significant
effect on crime, including the NRC report, and [Aneja, Donohue,
and Zhang]’s paper, using a different model and different
data, finding that right-to-carry laws temporarily increase
one type of violent crime, aggravated assaults."
 
I did my own research. I took table 20 of the FBI's homicide by weapon type page, added census numbers to get per-capita rates, and the three most common gun control laws- AWB, Permit to Purchase, and May Issue. There wa a very slight edge to the non-controlling states, but not enough I'd give much weight to it. There was also a slight lean to putting the gun control positive states in the middle-lower half of the states + DC. but the majority were in the middle. Doing my own research, and coming to my own conclusions, I believe the gun control laws currently out there don't really make a difference either way. They don't do anything, and should be kicked to the curb because they infringe a right without a clear benefit to the state.
 
Jim Dandy: would you be so kind as to post your data as a report that we may see? Any analysis on this topic would be welcome. Good name by the way, I remember the song from the early 1970's...
 
Gura filed a response to NY today in Kachalsky. You can read it here. The case has been distributed and will be considered at the April 12th conference.

Note that in his response, Gura mentions that he will be also filing a petition for cert. in Woollard.
 
"Testier?" I think he's been waiting for this!

Right out of the stall, Alan Gura challenges the Court with their own judicial integrity.

PRELIMINARY STATEMENT

Respondents mostly ignore conflicts between the lower court’s opinion and this Court’s precedent, instead reading District of Columbia v. Heller, 554 U.S. 570 (2008) and McDonald v. City of Chicago, 130 S. Ct. 3020 (2010) as narrowly limited to their facts. Moreover, Respondents join the lower court’s endorsement of alternative historical narratives that this Court rejected. These are arguments for granting, not denying, review.

Respondents also err in disputing the plain existence of conflicts among the lower courts, and seriously misconstrue the Petitioners’ claims.

But most critically, Respondents err in claiming that this Court can wait to address the problems manifested below. Developments since the Petition’s filing continue to prove that this decision, if left unchecked, will accelerate the lower courts’ resistance to Heller and McDonald.

This Court presumably decided Heller and McDonald as it did with the expectation that lower courts would implement the Second Amendment as a normal, legitimate part of the Bill of Rights. Unfortunately, the opinion below confirms the emergence of a different reality in the absence of this Court’s intervention.​

There are many good quotes in this reply. among them are:

In modern popular usage, the word “concealed” has become appended to the word “carry,” such that “concealed carry” is synonymous and used interchangeably with the concept of “carry.” Respondents thus present the common – and erroneous – logic:

1. There is no right to carry concealed handguns. Opp. at 10 & n.3;

2. Petitioners have not specifically argued that they should carry handguns openly, id. at 11, thus

3. Petitioners lose. Q.E.D.​
Then we have this revelation (my emphasis):
Were this petition granted, this case would be heard and decided in the October, 2013 Term, as would a forthcoming petition arising from Woollard v. Gallagher, No. 12-1437, 2013 U.S. App. LEXIS 5617 (4th Cir. Mar. 21, 2013).​

So it appears that there will be no request for rehearing en banc. Gura, it seems, is writing for the petition for a grant of cert, as we debate. The real "zinger" in this brief comes with the closing paragraph in the Conclusion. It is a direct challenge to the Court to slap down the lower courts for disregarding this Court's own rulings:

The only thing worse than explicitly refusing to enforce an enumerated constitutional right would be to declare a right “fundamental” while standing aside as lower courts render it worthless. Few outcomes could promote as much cynicism about our legal system. If this Court is unprepared to overrule Heller, it should reverse decisions such as that entered by the lower court here.​
 
One of my favorite passages

The sarcasm is not subtle:
Woollard upheld Maryland’s “good and sub- stantial reason” license prerequisite because it “constitutes ‘a more moderate approach’ ... than a wholesale ban on the public carrying of handguns,” id. at *42 (citing Kachalsky v. County of Westchester, 701 F.3d 81, 98-99 (2d Cir. 2012)) – as though a wholesale ban were an available choice under the Second Amendment, and the current system were materially different from a wholesale ban, designed as it was to disarm virtually the entire population. Petitioners should be excused for not appreciating such moderation in the restriction of their rights.
(emphasis mine)
 
Gura is basically challenging the integrity of the court if they DON'T take this case.
He points out the lower courts' defiance on the issue. They have indeed limited Heller to the facts of that case only, and say that unless there's an exactly same law passed, then the lower courts can't rule on it because SCOTUS hasn't. By that logic, SCOTUS can't review any 2A case because all the lower courts agree that SCOTUS hasn't ruled on it-circular logic. Thankfully Moore didn't follow that. Hopefully they take the case. If not, Gura aptly points out lower courts will just continue to sit on their hands.
 
concern

In todays climate my concern is the following:

States rights......blah blah blah.

Elections have consequences..... blah blah blah.

If you don't like it move to a state that recognizes you're beliefs. (And rights)

I don't believe for one minute that the supremes will let the inner city gang bangers be legal by allowing open carry.
 
I don't believe for one minute that the supremes will let the inner city gang bangers be legal by allowing open carry.
Well, gang-bangers don't care about the law in the first place, so a ruling from the Supreme Court will be largely irrelevant to them.

That said, when it comes to carrying a firearm in public, the court will listen to arguments about potential public-safety consequences, and it will have an effect on whatever opinion they reach.
 
Tom

"Well, gang-bangers don't care about the law in the first place, so a ruling from the Supreme Court will be largely irrelevant to them."

Point noted and also my belief. That was not the statement is was making.

The gun control nonsense before us now originates from [people] who are primarily large city populus. A ruling on any type of carry being constitutional outside the home will hinder much needed prosecution of current law. I want a positive ruling as much as anyone (from the good part of NY) but don't see scotus ruling constitutional carry in any form as a mandate in federal jurisdiction.
 
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