USNRet said:BUT, once again..'some' are all twisted about some minor candidate's statements on a DEM 'debate' stage, with the election 13 months away while other 'candidate's' make similar statements, who happen to be on the other side of the isle and it's 'so what, he doesn't mean it'...
That's not an accurate synopsis.
While you can pull quotes of DJT making some statements apparently supportive of substantial additional firearms restrictions, one can also pull many DJT quotes that support a very hard line on 2d Am. rights. That's a comment on DJT's mode of communication rather than the policy of the last 3 years.
Where is that variability in the communication of putative democrat and socialist presidential candidates? It isn't there. That's the point. While repub candidates may be wobbly about 2d Am. rights depending on time and audience, the putative dems are not. The range of acceptable policy within viable democrat nominees does not extend to recognition of a robust right.
Congressionally, in 1994 each party had some outliers voting contrary to pattern for and against the 1994 AWB. A quarter century later, the continued legal recognition of the right rests in part on Sup Court justice recognizing the 2d Am and conceding that Heller was correctly decided, and Senate dems are conspicuous in their opposition to that effort.
The insinuation that at a national level the parties are the same on this issue is false.
That doesn't mean that weakness on the issue from repubs should escape critique. The reasoning behind NFA coverage of bumpstocks doesn't pass a laugh test. Mike Dewine, Ohio's repub governor, proposed a red flag law that had all the problems of other laws written about here, but he was deterred by a General Assembly that wasn't interested in adopting those problems into state code. The better remedy to repubs [and dems] behaving poorly is to oppose them when they behave poorly, not to suggest a false equivalence.