At least an indifferent person can make a decision. If he was anti-, it would be hard for him to say he was wrong and side with us.The very next person to question Roberts was Senator Russ Feingold (D-WI), who put forth the whole 2A argument. Collective or individual. In answering, it was obvious that Roberts is not versed at all on the 2A - pro or con. He is pretty much indifferent to this amendment.
Definitely he is a moderate and not a conservative on the order of Scalia or Thomas
Nothing wrong with being moderate
Meaning that in an extreme situation, he just might reverse a precedent. OK, how extreme? I thought that when we were arguing whether a homegrown cannabis plant or machine gun for personal consumption is interstate commerce, Scalia might have seen that this line of precedents has gotten out of hand. What a disappointment.Wild, yes, but a moderate who appears to hold Stare Decisis on the same order as Scalia.
Thank you...I think... You'll pardon me while I go and reload for a bit. My SU-16 needs to be fired and I have only a couple of hundred .44 loaded.Rich wrote:
Anti-
I suspect you're a rather bashful Intellectual and Legal Analyst.
Yes. The first day, Feinstein asked. Yesterday both Brownbeck and Kohl asked.Publius42 wrote:
Has anyone asked Roberts about Kelo?
Now it appears that Roberts has read and analyzed Miller, but his hesitation regarding Emerson and Silveira indicates he hasn't been following the issue closely. Is he indifferent to the 2nd amendment, or has he not regarded it with much professional interest? I don't think the transcript provides the answer, so time will tell.FEINGOLD: Let's go to something else then. I'd like to hear your views about the Second Amendment, the right to bear arms. This is an amendment where there's a real shortage of jurisprudence.
You mentioned the Third Amendment where there's even less jurisprudence, but the Second Amendment's close. So I think you can maybe help us understand your approach to interpreting the Constitution by saying a bit about it.
The Second Amendment raises interesting questions about a constitutional interpretation. I read the Second Amendment as providing an individual right to keep and bear arms as opposed to only a collective right. Individual Americans have a constitutional right to own and use guns. And there are a number of actions that legislatures should not take in my view to restrict gun ownership.
FEINGOLD: The modern Supreme Court has only heard one case interpreting the Second Amendment. That case is U.S. v. Miller. It was heard back in 1939. And the court indicated that it saw the right to bear arms as a collective right.
In a second case, in U.S. v. Emerson, the court denied cert and let stand the lower court opinion that upheld the statute banning gun possession by individuals subject to a restraining order against a second amendment challenge.
The appeals court viewed the right to bear arms as an individual right. The Supreme Court declined to review the Appeals Court decision.
So what is your view of the Second Amendment? Do you support one of the other views of the views of what was intended by that amendment?
ROBERTS: Yes. Well, I mean, you're quite right that there is a dispute among the circuit courts. It's really a conflict among the circuits.
The 5th Circuit -- I think it was in the Emerson case, if I'm remembering it correctly -- agreed with what I understand to be your view, that this protects an individual right. But they went on to say that the right was not infringed in that case. They upheld the regulations there.
The 9th Circuit has taken a different view. I don't remember the name of the case now. But a very recent case from the 9th Circuit has taken the opposite view that it protects only a collective right, as they said.
In other words, it's only the right of a militia to possess arms and not an individual right.
Particularly since you have this conflict -- cert was denied in the Emerson case -- I'm not sure it's been sought in the other one or will be. That's sort of the issue that's likely to come before the Supreme Court when you have conflicting views.
I know the Miller case side-stepped that issue. An argument was made back in 1939 that this provides only a collective right. And the court didn't address that. They said, instead, that the firearm at issue there -- I think it was a sawed-off shotgun -- is not the type of weapon protected under the militia aspect of the Second Amendment.
So people try to read the tea leaves about Miller and what would come out on this issue. But that's still very much an open issue.
FEINGOLD: I understand that case could come before you. I'm wondering if you would anticipate that in such a case that a serious question would be: Which interpretation is correct?
ROBERTS: Well, anytime you have two different courts of appeals taking opposite positions, I think you have to regard that as a serious question. That's not expressing a view one way or the other. It's just saying, "I know the 9th Circuit thinks it's only a collective right. I know the 5th Circuit thinks it's an individual right. And I know the job of the Supreme Court is to resolve circuit conflicts." So I do think that issue is one that's likely to come before the court.
The essence of the answer was that Roberts agreed with the majority.
In fact he may be. But then again, he may be carefully wording his response such that he not be pinned down to either/or prior to the fact that some case in the future might be placed in front of SCOTUS should the 9th CC's collective position come toe to toe against the 5th CC's individual RKBA.I'd say he's indifferent to the issue personally...
I'd like to believe that, Rich. But his testimony suggests otherwise to me.2) He believes it's time for SCOTUS to resolve the conflicting decisions of the Circuits.
Sure, they won't reach the limit, much less beyond it. Nothing in history to predict that kind of outcome.KOHL: Many people, including a majority, I believe, of people in my state, as well as myself, were quite disturbed by this ruling which appears to place much private property at risk by greatly expanding the eminent domain powers of local government.
We discussed this when you were in my office, and you told me that you were, quote, "surprised," by the decision. So could you expand on it a bit this afternoon and explain why you were surprised?
ROBERTS: I did tell you that was my initial reaction. I remember hearing about the decision driving, actually, back from a judicial conference with another judge.
And we all learn in law school the first, one of the first cases you study is called Calder against Bull. It has a basic proposition: The government can't take property from A and give it to B.
When I read the decision, I understood what the majority's position was: the difficulty of drawing a line between things that are obviously public use like a railroad, a road, things that are traditionally the subject of the exercise of eminent domain, and other activities that are not as clearly within that range.
Of course, Justice O'Connor in her dissent thought the line could be drawn between whether it was available to the public or not, and that certainly was available. The majority did say that it was not rule on the starkest example, in other words just determining to take the property from A to B because you think B could make better use of it.
The issue arose, as you noted in your question, in the context of an urban renewal redevelopment project, and that may be limited to that context or may not.
I do know there's been extensive legislative reaction to the decision. I know a number of states have passed laws already saying we do not authorize the use of the power of eminent domain to take for a use that's going to be from one private owner to another. And that's certainly an appropriate reaction to a court's decision in this area.
What the court is saying, what the majority is saying, is because of the difficulty of drawing a line, this issue is really left up to the legislature. And if the legislature wants to draw the line in a particular place, it has that authority.
But it certainly is a decision that was closely divided, 5-4, and it has gotten a lot of legislative reaction.
The point I would only make is perhaps it's a good example of the fact that legislators have a responsibility to protect the rights of the people just as much as courts.
And one way they can protect the rights of the people in this area, if they think it appropriate, is to restrict themselves in saying, we will not use the imminent domain power to the broadest extent that the Supreme Court has said we are authorized to do.