Peruta v. San Diego

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62coltnavy said:
"Eugene Volokh, David Kopel, and Lyle Denniston (SCOTUSblog) all think there is a 7-9 vs 2-3-4 circuit split."

No doubt there is a split between the 9th and the 2-3-4, but as I said before, the "split as to the 7th is weak for the simple reason that the 7th considered a jurisdiction where there was no carry law in place--Illinois banned all carry of handguns, concealed or openly carried. By contrast the decisions in all of the other courts involved "may issue" jurisdictions and the definition of "good cause" to carry. In short, the issue on Moore was different than the issue in the other cases--related, yes, but different....
I'll go along with the well known and widely respected legal scholars, Volokh, Kopel and Denniston, on this.

The underlying and pivotal issue in all the cases is the same: the extension of the rights described by the Second Amendment to include a right to carry (bear) arms outside the home for personal defense.
 
"The underlying and pivotal issue in all the cases is the same: the extension of the rights described by the Second Amendment to include a right to carry (bear) arms outside the home for personal defense."

I disagree. I don't recall which circuit was which, but at least two of the three assumed without deciding that the right extended outside the home. (Woolard and Drake) They instead tackled the issue as to what was the permissible scope of restrictions on the right to carry a concealed weapon, i.e., the propriety of "good cause" for issuance of a license. Moore v. Madigan had no such issue, as all concealed carry was banned. Secondarily, each applied some variant of "intermediate scrutiny" (or at least what they called "intermediate scrutiny"), and again Moore had no such issue because Illinois failed to adduce any evidence establishing even a rational basis for its law.

With this, it is except in the most strained fashion impossible to say that the same legal issues were addressed, and that the cases are in "conflict." I think that partly for this reason, and partly because it wanted to hear from the Ninth first, SCOTUS has not granted cert in any of the cases in which it has been sought. I think that that will change now, unless perhaps Peruta is reversed by an en banc opinion.
 
62coltnavy said:
...I disagree. ...
Yes, I know you do. But you're disagreeing with Volokh, Kopel and Denniston. I know who they are. I know their qualifications.

I don't know who you are, and I have no idea what your qualifications might be.

So I'll side with Volokh, Kopel and Denniston. I have no reason to credit your opinion over their opinions.
 
62ColtNavy said:
I disagree. I don't recall which circuit was which, but at least two of the three assumed without deciding that the right extended outside the home. (Woolard and Drake) They instead tackled the issue as to what was the permissible scope of restrictions on the right to carry a concealed weapon, i.e., the propriety of "good cause" for issuance of a license. Moore v. Madigan had no such issue, as all concealed carry was banned. Secondarily, each applied some variant of "intermediate scrutiny" (or at least what they called "intermediate scrutiny"), and again Moore had no such issue because Illinois failed to adduce any evidence establishing even a rational basis for its law.
I'm still waiting for the pivotal case to get us to the most fundamental question: How can a government agency require a license (and a fee) for the exercise of a constitutional right?

How far would any state get if they tried to enact a law requiring a license (and a fee) to publish a book or magazine, or a permit to attend church?
 
^ Isn't that Kwong?

I forget which judge at CA2 brought up equal protection but I thought one of judges did bring it up during orals.

The specific issue of prior restraint wasn't brought up but when you're talking EP, you're pretty close...
 
I listened to orals at Kwong again.

The first judge who engaged Jensen brings up justification of cost, which to me refers to evaluating the case under rational basis. The judge then says "You're arguing presumably, that there is a discrepancy between this fee and the nominal fees that are charged elsewhere, which violates Equal Protection, also making a Second Amendment point that would heighten the level of scrutiny"
 
I disagree. I don't recall which circuit was which, but at least two of the three assumed without deciding that the right extended outside the home. (Woolard and Drake) They instead tackled the issue as to what was the permissible scope of restrictions on the right to carry a concealed weapon, i.e., the propriety of "good cause" for issuance of a license. Moore v. Madigan had no such issue, as all concealed carry was banned. Secondarily, each applied some variant of "intermediate scrutiny" (or at least what they called "intermediate scrutiny"), and again Moore had no such issue because Illinois failed to adduce any evidence establishing even a rational basis for its law.

You've made this statement, at least twice now in this thread. Let's set the facts straight, shall we?

The Kachalsky (CA2) and Woollard (CA4) courts assumed that there was a right to carry. But they also assumed that this right lay outside the core of the right. Based on those assumptions, only a very weak form of Intermediate Scrutiny was applied. O'Scannlain called it what it actually was; Interest Balancing indistinguishable from Rational Basis. In order to use one of the traditional forms of scrutiny, the courts have to do more than just assume something is true or false. It must make that determination. These two courts did nothing of the sort.

In Moore, the question was not one of concealed carry. The issue at hand was that no carry at all, was allowed. Posner did not mandate what form of carry that Illinois had to allow. Only that they had to allow some form of carry. In order to reach that conclusion, the CA7 found that the core of the right was a right to self defense. Judge Posner then expressed the opinion that the right was almost as acute outside the home as it was inside the home. Since all forms of carry were denied, the plaintiffs had been and were still being injured by being denied their fundamental right. Since IL did not/could not proffer a compelling reason to deny the right, their law was struck down. This was real heightened scrutiny.

Under the Moore reasoning, the CA2 and CA4 were in error, because they never reached to a determination that the right actually existed. They made an assumption and proceeded from that point. Posner called out those circuit panels for shoddy work.

At this point, there was a technical split between CA7 and CA2/CA4. The split was not "weak" as you stated earlier.

The Drake court, in contrast, never even assumed that a right to carry in public existed. They started and ended with deference to legislative actions. Again, this is Rational Basis Scrutiny, regardless of dressing it in Intermediate clothing.

With the above as a backdrop, we now come to the Peruta case.

Judge O'Scannlain (CA9) went even further than Judge Posner. After cataloging the cases and distinguishing which cases were helpful and which were not, the Judge went into the historical meaning of the right as viewed and practiced by those at the time of the enactment of the amendment. Judge O'Scannlain, like Judge Posner, concluded that the core right was self defense. Since the only manner in which CA allowed the right was through their CC permitting system, then that part of the system that allowed for "good cause" must also include, as a reason, self defense. Since the policy of San Diego was to not accept self defense as "good cause," that policy was unconstitutional. O'Scannlain went further and declared that this policy was unconstitutional under any form of heightened scrutiny. Therefore no determination of the proper form of scrutiny was ever reached.

Along the way to making this determination, O'Scannlain repudiated his three sister circuits in the shoddy manner in which they arrived at their opinions.

There is now, not just a technical split, but a very deep split between what citizens are allowed, as it regards the exercise of a fundamental right and depends upon which judicial jurisdiction they find themselves living in. This is not a situation in which the Supreme Court can allow to exist for much longer.

Since my thinking, above, has been and is in accord with the thinking of others, who are much more qualified to express such legal opinions than I, I see no reason to change this thinking.
 
I'm still waiting for the pivotal case to get us to the most fundamental question: How can a government agency require a license (and a fee) for the exercise of a constitutional right?

How far would any state get if they tried to enact a law requiring a license (and a fee) to publish a book or magazine, or a permit to attend church?

Well even the Peruta decision here didn't go so far as to say Concealed Carry was a right. They just said some form of carry was a right. My state is both Shall Issue and OC. Because OC is legal, with the Peruta reasoning, I'll likely never be able to get a free Concealed Pistol License.

I also wonder if the fee question isn't a 400 pound gorilla hiding under a rock. If a fee for a carry permit of whatever name is unconstitutional when open carry is banned, that's the crack in the armor for challenging the NICS fee if there is one. (Is there by the way? I'm not an FFL but I've heard they have a fee to pay for access to the NICS check that's passed on to customers through firearms prices of FFL transfer fees).

It also opens questions (for me anyway) on the legality of charging a fee for a state issued identification card given all the rights that all but require one. For example, when you don't have one how long may law enforcement seize (4A) you to verify your identity? ID is apparently required for the FFL/4473 process as I found out when mine was expired. When/If voter ID is passed, we're now on another right. Very few methods of interstate travel are possible without ID. A fee to get a US passport would create the same question. The US recognizes a freedom of movement inside the US (and possibly internationally) in the Privileges and Immunities clause of the Constitution, and probably internationally when they adopted the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

Which doesn't mean these services will be free, merely that like the poll tax, when/if these charges are struck down, instead of people using the service paying a fee, we're all just going to pay another X% (with X probably being a very small number to the right of the decimal point) in sales and income taxes. And while that's not necessarily bad, it seems like the lawyers could be playing pinball with the courts over tax revenue for a while.

It's a split the size of a nuked grand canyon.
Especially when you realize the size of the courts involved. The 9th is absolutely gigantic. Even though it's 2 courts vs 3 courts, the number of states involved are still nearly equal.
 
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Some on the left argue that requiring citizens to obtain a state issued ID free of charge is too much of an infringement on the right to vote.
 
Jim Dandy said:
Especially when you realize the size of the courts involved. The 9th is absolutely gigantic. Even though it's 2 courts vs 3 courts, the number of states involved are still nearly equal.

And far more significant when you factor in the population represented by the 9th -- almost 20% of all Americans live in the 9th.
 
I wasn't sure of that one. I knew the CA9 had California's population, and Washington wasn't small, but the 2, 3, and 4, is NY and a bunch of East Coast states to compare to Montana and Nevada.
 
12 states and 78 million people in 2CA, 3CA, and 4CA.
12 states and 89 million people in 7CA and 9CA.
The circuit split already involves 53% of the US population.

data:
3,596,080 CT + 646,449 DC + 925,749 DE + 5,928,814 MD + 9,848,060 NC + 8,899,339 NJ + 19,651,127 NY + 12,773,801 PA + 4,774,839 SC + 8,260,405 VA + 626,630 VT + 1,854,304 WV = 77,785,597 (12)
00,735,132 AK + 06,626,624 AZ + 38,332,521 CA + 01,404,054 HI + 01,612,136 ID + 12,882,135 IL + 06,570,902 IN + 01,015,165 MT + 02,790,136 NV + 03,930,065 OR + 06,971,406 WA + 05,742,713 WI = 88,612,989 (12)
53% of 316,128,839
 
I would agree the split between CA7 and 2-4 was tenuous-the reasoning behind the opinions was indeed all over the map(even within CA2-4). We now have 2 almost identical statutes with CA9 going one way and CA2-4 going another, with CA7's rationale supported by CA9's Peruta opinion.

The question still remains what kind of split exactly will it take for SCOTUS to bite?
 
I can't imagine them not getting involved now(assuming CA9 isn't reversed en banc). 24 of 50 states. 53% of the population. That's a pretty major split any way you slice it.
 
"Yes, I know you do. But you're disagreeing with Volokh, Kopel and Denniston. I know who they are. I know their qualifications.
I don't know who you are, and I have no idea what your qualifications might be.
So I'll side with Volokh, Kopel and Denniston. I have no reason to credit your opinion over their opinions. "

You can side with whomever you want, but dismissing an opinion without discussion of the merits is a meritless ad hominem attack. I have stated the basis for my opinion, and if you want to refute it, go ahead, but otherwise keep your "opinions" as whom you chose to believe based on nothing more than that they are prominent to yourself. The law is not based on the stature of the men (and women) who argue it, but the strength of their logic and argument, something that is not confined to the "elite." My "qualifications" are entirely irrelevant, which you, as an attorney, should most certainly know. That said, I am a California licensed attorney with 26 years experience, a Martindale rating, and almost 100 appeals under my belt.
 
The question still remains what kind of split exactly will it take for SCOTUS to bite?

I'm betting SCOTUS will bite soon, but as I read more I'm less and less convinced that they will take it up with this case. I think they might not go for an en banc even because of outside pressures against them doing so. I'm pretty sure that the anti-gun organizations realize that if this case is heard with the current SCOTUS, may-issue will likely go away. That being said, I don't have nearly the knowledge base that some of the other posters here seem to have.
 
"You've made this statement, at least twice now in this thread. Let's set the facts straight, shall we?"

I did get the facts straight, and if you read what I wrote and what you wrote, you will find that we actually agree with each other. What I called a "weak" split you called a "technical" split--which to my mind is exactly the same thing. In any event, is was indisputably not enough of a split to warrant the Supreme Court to grant cert in any of the cases presented to it since then. I assume that this had a lot to do with the fact that Moore was not appealed, and that Moore did not even mention the standard of review much less address the question (which is again a point on which you and I agree).

The cases you reviewed that assumed that there was a right did say it was not a "core" right, but I think you misconstrue what they meant; they concluded that there WAS a right, but that it was not entitled to the same level of protection outside the home as inside the home, applying some bizarre 'sliding scale" "intermediate scrutiny" analysis. Their analysis, which you and I agree is faulty, held that the core was protection of hearth and home (misapplying some dicta in Heller), and that as one moved away from the home, the degree of deference to the right waned. Finally, you agree with me that Moore, unlike the three cases from 2,3, and 4, did not address concealed carry--which is what I said, and which is a particularly important basis for distinguishing it.

We also agree that O'Scanlain called them out on their nonsense, and that after Peruta, assuming it sticks, there is a very real split, not just, in your words, a "technical" one. After Peruta, I think that Supreme Court review is not just inevitable, but in the offing. Of course, a discussion of Peruta has nothing to do with Moore or the "strength" of the split between the 7th and the 2, 3, 4, since again you and I agree that the issue appears ripe for Supreme court review.

So tell me again, what are you arguing with me about?
 
62coltnavy said:
...but dismissing an opinion without discussion of the merits is a meritless ad hominem attack...
I'm discounting your opinion because (1) I've concluded that it's wrong on its merits as I previously, and Al Norris recently, described; and (2) it conflicts with the opinions of persons I know to be eminent lawyers and legal scholars.
 
The numbers game of population statistics isn't particularly compelling for these reasons. Moore was limited to the State of Illinois, the only state in the nation that banned concealed carry. In the Ninth, only California and Hawaii have "may issue" laws, the rest of the states being shall issue and/or unlicensed carry. Further, there is now pending another case, argued the same day as Peruta, concerning Hawaii's law; therefore, other than its legal theoretical basis, Peruta will have no impact except on other "may issue" jurisdictions, of which there are ever fewer. (Actually, I've lost track of that statistic. Most are on the eastern seaboard.) So a better number would be the population of those states that have "may issue" licensing schemes.
 
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